C.R.E.H. - E.H.T.E.







The CREH-EHTE, Colectivo Republicano de Euskal Herria, is a non-profit association that develops activities related to republicanism, promoting the republican values ​​of freedom, equality and fraternity.

Our scope of action is mainly Bilbao and Bizkaia, but we also collaborate with other organizations for the Republic of Euskadi and the rest of the state.

We work especially in the cultural field with talks, book presentations. Republican itineraries and other events. In addition, we have been organizing the “Republican Boat” through the Bilbao estuary for more than 10 years, taking a festive tour of the estuary with a different theme every year.

We also do activities related to historical memory, women and the republic, equal rights, etc.

We are not linked to any political party and we are part, as a Basque federation, of the UCR (Unidad Cívica por la República).

You can contact in the mail: crepublicano@gmail.com 

Website:  www.errepublika.org

Blog:  https://errepublikaplaza.wordpress.com


Collaborate to continue developing our activities in favor of the third republic. 

As a member, you can also participate in meetings and decision-making. 

The annual subscription is 30 euros, if you can not reach that figure there is no problem in contributing what you consider.

By joining our association you will receive these welcome gifts: 

A bracelet with the republican flag,  a badge of the collective and   a republican flag of 1.25 meters x 0.85 meters new.




Use this link to contribute by becoming a member:       





The CREH-EHTE, Colectivo Republicano de Euskal Herria, is a non-profit association that develops activities related to republicanism, promoting the republican values ​​of freedom, equality and fraternity.

Our scope of action is mainly Bilbao and Bizkaia, but we also collaborate with other organizations for the Republic of Euskadi and the rest of the state.

We work especially in the cultural field with talks, book presentations. Republican itineraries and other events. In addition, we have been organizing the “Republican Boat” through the Bilbao estuary for more than 10 years, taking a festive tour of the estuary with a different theme every year.

We also do activities related to historical memory, women and the republic, equal rights, etc.

We are not linked to any political party and we are part, as a Basque federation, of the UCR (Unidad Cívica por la República).

Collaborate to continue developing our activities in favor of the third republic.

As a member, you can also participate in meetings and decision-making.

The annual subscription is 30 euros, if you cannot reach that figure there is no problem in contributing what you consider.

By joining our association you will receive these welcome gifts:

A bracelet with the republican flag, a badge of the collective and a republican flag of 1.25 meters x 0.85 meters new.

Use this link to contribute by becoming a member:          








More and more clearly, and today especially, we see nothing to celebrate. 

On the contrary, with each passing day the exhaustion of this Constitution and the regime that came out of the 78 pacts becomes more evident. 

The 42 years of democracy have been dominated at all times by neoliberal policies, aimed at curtailing the rights and freedoms of the popular classes, creating growing social inequality and discrediting politics.

And now, the economic and labor crisis that the pandemic is exacerbating, the galloping increase in unemployment, the precariousness of employment, the climate crisis with a serious impact on health, the natural environment and the economy, faced in a framework of collaboration crisis between communities and the State, they predict a future of further cuts in rights and suffering for citizens.

It is clear: the “monarchical democracy” and the Spain of the autonomies that came out of 78 do not facilitate the coexistence of the peoples, nor do they offer the popular classes the necessary protection against the capitalist policy of privatization of profits and socialization of losses.

No, we cannot expect protection from the model of a State and institutions colonized by a neo-Franco plot that, in these four decades of supposed democracy, has dedicated itself to distributing positions in the large IBEX-35 companies and looting the public coffers (Púnica, Gürtel, Palau, Malaya, Puyol, Fabra, Palma Arena, De Miguel, etc.). 

Corruption costs each of us € 4,700 a year. And at the head of the looting is, of course, the "emeritus" appointed by Franco, fled from justice after being discovered as a commissioner to evade capital, allegedly encouraging the coup on 23-F, and so on. 

It is time for citizens to commit ourselves to a process that ends the plot of the corrupt, parasites, exploiters, abusers, liars, coup plotters ...

This is why the political parties and social movements gathered here call to deepen the convergence that, in the same way that it has managed to displace the Right of the State government, can open the constituent process that leads to the multinational and solidary Republic:

In which we citizens go from being subjects to being subjects of rights and obligations.

In which public offices are subject to popular endorsement and control at all times.

Let it end neoliberal policies, bet on an ecological and sustainable Europe, of the peoples, peaceful and welcoming, free of fascism and corruption.

Because the time has come for citizens and peoples :

Up Republic !!!.

It’s getting clearer and clearer, and today, December 6th, we don’t see anything to celebrate. On the contrary, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Constitution and the regime resulting from the 1978 treaties will be exhausted. In the 42 years of democracy, neoliberal policies have prevailed at all times, aimed at restricting the rights and freedoms of the popular classes, creating increasing social inequality and social credibility in politics.

And now the worsening economic and labor crisis, the huge rise in unemployment, the precariousness of employment, the climate crisis affecting health, the natural environment and the economy, the crisis of cooperation between communities and the state, will reduce citizens' rights and suffering. they announce.

It is clear that monarchical democracies and the Spanish Autonomous Community of 1978 do not facilitate the coexistence of peoples, and do not provide the people with the necessary protection against capitalist policies to privatize profits and socialize losses.

No, we cannot expect the support of the model of the State and institutions colonized by a neo-Francoist conspiracy. During these four decades of supposed democracy, the IBEX-35 has been distributing charges in large companies and stealing public coffers (Púnica, Gürtel, Palau, Malaya, Puyol, Fabra, Palma Arena, De Miguel, etc.).

Corruption costs each of us € 4,700 a year. And at the head of the looting is, of course, the “emeritus” Franco-appointed, fleeing from justice, after being found as a commissioner who avoids capital, the alleged instigator of the February 23 coup, and so on.

It is time to engage citizens with the plot of the corrupt, parasites, exploiters, abuse, liars, coups and so on.

Therefore, we want to deepen the convergence of the parties and movements gathered here and, as it has managed to move the Right from the State government, can open a constitutional process that will lead to a multinational and solidarity Republic:

  • So that we can move from being citizens of a “monarchical democracy” to having rights and obligations.
  • Public office should be under public control and ratification at all times.
  • End neoliberal policies, commit to the ecological and sustainable Europe of the peoples, peaceful and friendly, free from fascism and corruption.

Because the time has come for citizens and villages:

Up Republic !!!.


REPUBLICAN CONCENTRATION. October 18. Arriaga square. Bilbao.

The emeritus king to the bench. Inviolability no.

October 18, 2020 - State unitary mobilization.














We are witnessing a second wave of a pandemic that has plunged us once again into a crisis not only in health but also in a social, economic and political crisis. 

It has revealed to us the fragility of the State and its public services, and especially of our health system, as a consequence of years of neoliberal policies of cuts and privatizations.

It has also revealed institutional dysfunctions in key aspects such as the limits of the State of Autonomies.

We face this situation with the manipulation of Justice by the monarchical right, which makes it impossible to renew the General Council of the Judiciary, without democratic legitimacy because it has expired for two years, and by King Felipe de Borbón himself, whom no one has voted for. , which acts in violation of the regulations in force against a government resulting from a parliamentary majority after a general election.

And above all, the monarchy, not only because of the alleged crimes of Juan Carlos de Borbón, but because of the complicit silence of the current king, who did not react until the mud splashed him, sacrificing his father, pointing to him as if he were the only one guilty. 

Felipe de Borbón and all his "royal family" knew and took advantage of the situation and have kept silent during all these years. 

A monarchy that shields itself under the medieval umbrella of the inviolability of the monarch, that is not willing to renounce that unpresentable and undemocratic privilege.

And a Justice, some Governments, and a large part of the media ... at the service of the monarchy and what it means, which for years have refused to investigate the monarch, not even in what had to do with the years after his resignation. 

And it has only done so when the Swiss prosecutor's office had already begun to investigate.

The corruption of the Bourbons being very serious, the problem is the monarchy. 

A non-democratic institution, which we have not voted for, which currently comes from the fascist dictatorship, which inherits the Head of State as one inherits an account in Switzerland. 

For all these reasons, it is necessary to articulate a republican solution to this crisis, which not only means a change in the election of the Head of State.

We need a Constitution that guarantees basic, labor, social and political rights to all citizens, which sets investments in public services as a priority over debt repayment. 

A way out that guarantees the self-government of the peoples in a solidarity and multinational Spain. This outlet is the Republic.

We call on citizens and the political, social and union forces to begin to take effective steps in that direction. 

We call for mobilization to defend the dignity and rights and the future of the new generations.

With the necessary sanitary protection measures, we will see you in the streets next October 18.

The emeritus king to the bench. Inviolability no. 





A historic day: Martín Villa before justice.

In memory of Carlos Slepoy and Chato Galante, who made it possible.



Rodolfo Martín Villa, when he was the civil governor of Barcelona (1975). Photo: PACO ÉLVIRA

Luis Suarez-Carreño 09/05/2020 

Last Thursday, September 3, a momentous event took place in the history of Spain: the taking of the investigatory statement by Rodolfo Martín Villa before Judge María Servini, head of Court No. 1 of Buenos Aires, by teleconference at the Argentine embassy in Madrid. 

This declaration is probably the first judicial process in an open process for crimes committed by the Franco regime, understanding by Franco not only the period until the death of the dictator, but also the years of the Transition, when the anti-democratic institutions and laws of the dictatorship and its repressive apparatus continued to crush civil liberties.

Precisely from this last period, specifically from the years 1976 to 1978, the crimes attributed, as the head of the armed forces that committed them - or protected them -, to Martín Villa, who during those years was minister, first of Trade Union Relations (1975), then of Interior (ministry that until 1977 was called the Interior), in application of the basic principle in law of "the responsibility of the superior."

The singular and extensive biography of the defendant has already been widely reviewed these days in the media, so I will save its repetition. Only, for those who have just fallen from a cherry tree (or are very young), I will quickly recall some traits: from precocious figure in the fascist unions of the dictatorship, to post-Franco and pre-democratic minister in the Transition, and bearer of the pacts of the Moncloa, to end up resting in successive boards of directors of large companies, public and private, collecting the favors rendered as a politician.

The crimes of which he is accused have also been reported: a total of 12 homicides and hundreds of injuries caused by the security forces and bodies under his command as minister, or by far-right vigilante forces aided or protected by those. But, although it is repetitive, allow me once again to recall the crimes and name the victims:

- Vitoria, March 3, 1976. Assassination of Romualdo Barroso, Francisco Aznar, Pedro Martínez Ocio, José Castillo, and Bienvenido Perea; workers shot while holding an assembly in the church of San Francisco; the first two died on the spot, the last three later, from the wounds received there.

- Arturo Ruiz: assassinated in a demonstration by parapolitical fascists on January 23, 1977 in Madrid.

- Rafael Gómez Jáuregui: assassinated in Renteria, on May 12, 1977, by the Civil Guard.

- José Luis Cano Pérez: assassinated by the Armed Police in Pamplona, ​​on May 14, 1977.

- Francisco Javier Núñez: assassinated by means of torture by police officers on May 15, 1977, in Bilbao.

- José María Zabala Erasun, assassinated on September 8, 1976 in Hondarribia, by the Civil Guard.

- María Norma Menchaca: assassinated by parapolitical fascists on July 9, 1976 in Santurce.

- Germán Rodríguez: shot to death on July 8 in Pamplona by the national police.

Without forgetting that in the cases of Vitoria and Pamplona there were, in addition to those fatalities, hundreds of people were injured, many of them shot by the police; nor that most crimes go unpunished, or, if some of the culprits have been persecuted and punished, as in the case of Arturo Ruiz, they have been quickly released or helped to flee.

It is important to note that the allegations are backed by years of investigation, direct testimony, evidence, and painstakingly compiled documentation; Technically consistent dossiers thanks to the silent and altruistic work of a great team of lawyers, as well as the support of the organizations that are part of the State Coordinator of support for the Argentine Complaint (Ceaqua). 

Although it is obvious, it should be noted that these are not light or improvised accusations, nor would the Argentine investigating court have accepted accusations such as that of Martín Villa if the files provided did not have the necessary evidence and probative consistency.

The first Transition: Francoism without Franco

Martín Villa has argued in his defense, apparently, that it is not possible to speak of a situation of genocide during the Transition, thus denying the crimes against humanity in order to claim their prescription and possible benefit for amnesty.

But were they isolated, casual crimes? The answer is provided by the 'spirit of the Transition' of non-rupture, of the perpetuation of the Francoist repressive system: As is well known, the post-Francoists who negotiated the Transition pacts, among which was, by the way, Martín Villa, imposed that continuity of the military, police and judicial apparatus, as an instrument of control and blackmail to the nascent democracy. 

During the first Transition, this continued with the inertia of the butt repression. For this reason, the cases in which Martín Villa is accused are only a small part of the political crimes committed by the forces 'of order' and the extreme right-wing vigilante groups during those years: it is estimated that the deaths for political reasons against them In those years, around 140 are attributable (from Franco's death until the end of 1980); not forgetting, again, injured people and other collateral damage.

In other words, the non-rupture and impunity, and therefore the non-purification of the repressive bodies –even with the same torturers who alternated their official position with the 'voluntary' work in the parapolice plots and the ultra armed gangs- , supposed the continuity, during the years after Franco's death, of the systematic, institutionalized and planned repression by the State of all forms of opposition.

The crimes of the Transition were, therefore, crimes against humanity of a Franco regime without Franco, as had been those perpetrated by the same regime with Franco. During this period, the role of Franco was played by the replacement head of state chosen by him: the Bourbon. This, at least until the Constitution promulgated in December 1978, was, technically, a dictator.

The custodians of the 1978 regime close ranks

The simple announcement of the statement of Martín Villa by the Argentine judge has produced a storm in the usually stagnant ponds where the water lilies of the transition languish. The four former presidents and several ex-unionists, summoned by the defendant, have rushed to send letters to the judge praising the character and his transcendent role in the Transition. Letters that, due to the unusual - even procedurally inappropriate -, have in fact become the center of the news in the days prior to the taking of the statement.

Beyond the contradictory nature of this last-minute search for support by Martín Villa, in the face of the confidence shown so far in his innocence, the main effect of the letters has been to strip their senders before public opinion. 

Politically, as supposed lifelong democrats who flock to defend blindly - since they do not know the accusatory file nor does it seem to interest them in the least - a relevant Francoist epigone; ethically, because they demonstrate that they put their complicity with this far ahead of the rights of the victims and respect for judicial independence. Such a lack of criteria, no longer democratic, but simply humanitarian, is alarming to the point of wondering in whose hands we have been.

The very occurrence of exposing the merits of the defendant to lend him a hand is so absurd that it surprises adults: what will Martín Villa's alleged political cunning have to do with his responsibilities as "the baton of the Transition"? Or is it, for example, incompatible to be an abuser with also being a good neighbor and exemplary employee? Or being a folksy head of state while being corrupt and tax evader at the same time? They are not incompatible, nor does one exempt or redeem the other.

For the rest, the operation letters-from-important-people-to impress-a-judge has generated a lively social debate about what we could call the “78 club”, that conglomerate of resistant people who have been planted in the exceptionality From the immediate post-Franco regime to the cry of here neither God moves us. The same crowd that recently gave us another moment of amazement, also via capitulation, on the occasion of the gig and flight of the folksy emeritus. The letter, on that occasion, was signed by a large list of former ministers and senior officials of the PSOE and PP, but also resorted to the Transition as a vaccine that immunizes (or 'impunises') from hives and chilblains (misdemeanors and crimes) to its protagonists for life.

The inheritance of 78: end of a taboo

And let us not lose sight of the fact that this wall - that of the sacralization of the Transition and the regime of 1978 - does not only intend to shield impunity for Francoist 'political' crimes: it also protects crimes such as slave labor and massive plunder with which some of today's fortunes and business groups were founded; but it is also the same dam that prevents rethinking issues such as the form of the State, the right to self-determination, ecclesiastical privileges, etc. In short, a cage in which some want to keep us for life.

Returning to the historical moment, even when the lawyers of the complaint have insisted that it is not a political trial, that the complaint against Martín Villa is not about the Transition, but about very specific facts, the defense arguments and the letters In their support, they have shifted, on the contrary, the level of discussion to that of politics, and specifically, to the exemplary nature of the Transition process and the validity of the 78 regime.

His stubbornness is, paradoxically, the one that provokes the social debate on myths such as that of the peaceful and harmonious transition. Although there are already numerous studies dismantling that fable, the appearance of a dinosaur of Spanish politics like Martín Villa in court has a powerful effect on the perception of our recent history, multiplied on this occasion by the defendant's defense line and his defenders.

While this debate is maturing, let us assure for the moment, for the victims and the democratic memory, light and stenographers on these crimes and their political leaders.

Procrastinated time and time again, welcome at last is this first visit of justice to a past in shadows.






Monarkia kanpora. Monarchy Out.

  Juan Carlos I was the most successful and functional representation of 78: construction of a close, beloved and neutral image.

Now we see that it represented 78 in all its dimensions, also that of Spanish capitalism as a machine for counting bills that are kept in garbage bags ...

.. READ MORE    




The Republican Collective of Euskal Herria is part of this meeting place. We collect the manifesto for next April 14, meanwhile ...   

2020 April 14th.

 How to celebrate April 14? . 

On April 14, 1931, citizens ended a corrupt monarchical regime that was making water socially, economically and politically. The people demanded to improve their living and working conditions and decide their destiny. With his mobilizations he brought the Republic.

In 2020 we are suffering a very strong pandemic that has us confined, a health situation aggravated by neoliberal policies that dismantled essential public services and privatized a good part of health care and residences for the elderly. Privatizations linked to corruption and the excessive profits of large companies.

Although it was already known about the fortune and the "commissions" of Juan Carlos de Borbón, it has been in recent months that the foreign press has openly uncovered his millionaire accounts in Panama and Switzerland. The false image that we had been sold from submissive media, crumbles and a King appears who has been anything but exemplary, protected by the medieval inviolability that allows all kinds of misdeeds and who has used the services of the State for his private ends. With the complicity and profit of large companies and the forces of the 78 regime.

The corruption of the Bourbons being serious, the problem is the Monarchy. A non-democratic institution, which we have not voted for, which currently comes from the fascist dictatorship, which inherits the Head of State as one inherits an account in Switzerland. Felipe de Borbón is not, despite having tried to “kill the father”, an alternative because he knew perfectly well and is a beneficiary of his father's “business” and now, in light of the published information, is trying to distance himself from the illegal fortune of called King Emeritus.

We no longer accept being lied to. We do not accept the inviolability of a corrupt Monarchy, nothing exemplary, medieval and useless. The cacerolada at the time Felipe de Borbón gave his speech on March 18 is an example. It is time to decide the form of State, Monarchy or Republic. 

The State Popular Consultation convened on May 9 and which will have to be postponed due to the pandemic, will be the knock to start the path towards a full democracy, the Republic.

But we will also have to decide on the economic and social model to guarantee that the public, the common, health, education, residences, social services cannot be privatized and we do not have to suffer, as in these days, the lack of personnel, facilities and means, by privatizing neoliberal policies that only benefit a few. And that the jobs are stable and the salaries are fair and sufficient. And that decent public pensions are guaranteed.

We will also have to decide how to end patriarchy, with sexist violence and guarantee the equality of women and men once and for all. And on the territorial model so that we all fit. On the economic model that ends neoliberalism and the power of a few. Decide on everything that affects us and concerns us. Democratically.

When we overcome the pandemic, which today is the first objective, we will take to the streets to demand full democracy and decision-making power. In democracy nothing is unquestionable except the sovereignty of the people.




Registered organizations.


List of organizations that have formalized their registration for the State Meeting for the Republic to be held in Madrid on Saturday, November 10, 2018. 


Link for registration of organizations 

Alternative Republican State Area (ALTER).

Popular Unity Animalists - UP.

Progressive Citizen Alternative.

Association Family Association for 21st Century Society.

Association Forum for Democratic Memory.

Association Platform April 14 for the Republic.

Socialism Association 21.

Center for Republican Ideas.

Committee for the Alliance of Workers and Peoples (CATP).

Collective At the Service of the Republic (ASR).

Marxist Current Class Struggle.

Eco Republican.

Domingo Malagón Foundation.

Spanish Republican Initiative (IRE).

Open Left (IzAb).

Republican Left (IR).

Federal and Republican Socialist Left (ISOFyR).

United Left (IU).

Republican Wednesday.

Eyes for Peace.

Communist Party of Spain (PCE).

Feminist Party of Spain (PFE).

Internationalist Socialist Workers Party (POSI).

Free Socialist Party Federation (PSlF).

Podemos 15M.

Red Intercívico Republicana.

República en Marcha (REM).

Third Spanish Federal Democratic Republic (TRFDE).

Civic Unit for the Republic (UCR).

Popular Republican Unit (UPR).

Integral and Democratic.

Union of the Peoples Union of Communist Youth of Spain (UJCE).

Republican Union (UR ) Scope Nationality / Autonomous Community Andalusia.

Asociación la Volaera.

Association and Senderista Club La Desbandá.

Andalusian Coordinator of Republican Organizations "Andalusia Republicana" Andalusian Republican.

Debate Forum Andalusian.

People's Initiative (IdPA).

Andalusian Union of Workers (SAT).

Asturias Communist Party of Asturias (PCA / PCE) Republican Union (UR).

Cantabria Citizen Platform of Cantabria for the III Republic Castilla y León Izquierda Castellana (IzCa).

Catalonia / Catalunya Coordinating Spanish Republican Initiative April 14 Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia viu (PSUC viu) Galicia Xuntos Actúa.


Republican Assembly.

Círculo de Víctimas Invisilizadas.

Coordinadora 25S.

Izquierda Unida (IU).

Unión Republicana (UR) Navarra / Nafarroa Izquierda Unida (IU) Junta Republicana de Izquierdas de Navarra / Navarra Ezkerreko Junta Errepublikanoa.

País Valencià Coordinadora del Pais Valencià per la República Intersindical Valenciana Plataforma per la Memòria del País Valencià República Valenciana / Partit Valencianiste Europeu.

País Vasco / Euskadi Colectivo Republicano de Euskal Herria / Euskal Herrico Talde Errepublikanoa Ezker Anitza-IU Orain Actua Partido Comunista de Euskadi (PCE-EPK) Ambito Provincial.


Álava / Araba.

Ateneo Republicano de Álava - Arabako Errepublicar Ateneoa.

Cádiz Republican Alternative (ALTER). Provincial Grouping Ateneo Republicano del Campo de Gibraltar.

Cádiz for the Republic Campo de Gibraltar for the Republic Platform Campo de Gibraltar Laica Civic Unit for the Republic of Campo de Gibraltar.

Cuenca Citizens for the Republic.

Granada Granada Association Truth Justice and Reparation Republican Granada UCAR Jaén Communist Party of Andalusia (PCA / PCE). 

Jaén Provincial Committee for the Republic León Manuel Azaña de León Association.

Madrid Ateneo Republicano de Lavapies.

The Social Center ImPAHrable Malaga Alternative Republican (ALTER). 

Provincial Grouping Republican Association of Malaga (ARM) Republican Malaga.

Salamanca Alternative Republican (ALTER). Agrupación Provincial Santa Cruz de Tenerife Junta Republicana de Tenerife.

Sevilla Alternativa Republicana (ALTER) Plataforma Sevilla por la República.

Unidad Cívica Andalucía por la República (UCAR).

Valencia Ateneo Republicano de la Ribera del Xuquer .

Plataforma 14 d'Abril de Puçol Ámbito Municipal Aldaya / Aldaia (Valencia).

Ateneu Popular Dolores Ibarruri Aldaia Algeciras (Cádiz) Algeciras Republicana.

Almansa (Albacete).

Ateneo Republicano de Almansa Bailén (Jaén).

Communist Party of Spain (PCE). We Can Local Group. 

Municipal Circle Barbate (Cádiz) Republican Athenaeum of Barbate United Left (IU). 

Local Assembly Cuarte de Huerva (Zaragoza).

Republican Forum Ribera De Huerva .

Granada Civic Platform for the Republic Guadalajara.

Republican Union (UR).

Las Rozas (Madrid) Republican Athenaeum of Las Rozas and Las Matas Las Torres de Cotillas (Murcia).

Communist Party of Spain ( PCE) of the Region of Murcia Madrid Republican Union (UR).

Table of Historical Memory of the District of Latina.


Republican Athenaeum of Murcia Paterna (Valencia).

Relatives of victims of Franco's regime communal grave 128 Paterna cemetery.

Sabadell (Barcelona) Sabadell for the republic San Roque (Cádiz) San Roque for the Republic.

San Sebastián / Donostia Republican Association of Donostia / Donostiako Errepublikarrak.

Úbeda ( Jaén) We can. Círculo municipal Utrera (Seville).

Forum Building the Republic of the Communist Party of Andalusia (PCE-PCA). 

Local Nucleus Zaragoza Republican Athenaeum of Zaragoza.



Name: Monolito a la Sociedad El Sitio

Author: José Bellver y Collazos Year: 1870

Location: Mallona. BILBAO The original monument


As time went by, the City Council decided to erect a monument by popular subscription that would be located in the Mallona Cemetery, at that time the Villa's cemetery and that would serve as a tribute to the civilians who had participated in the defense within the so-called "Auxiliary Battalion" , name that today also received the Plaza Unamuno.

On a plinth guarded in its corners by four lions a marble pillar from Ereño was placed and on it a female figure representing the city with laurel wreaths in both hands crowning the victors and the vanquished, for something the war had been civil the same neighborhood had been divided between both sides. Lions and Figures are works by José Bellver y Collazos (Avila, 1824-Madrid, 1869), a member of a family with a long tradition of sculpture.

The Pantheon of Auxiliary was inaugurated by the Bilbao city council on May 24, 1870 with the pageantry typical of these occasions and without it occurred to anyone that a few years later the Carlists would return to their old ways.


If it was necessary for the Francoists and especially for the Carlist Requesters within their ranks to end the celebration of their previous defeats, it was also necessary to end the monument that honored the defenders. It seems to be members of the 5th Brigade of Navarra mutilated their hands to make the laurel wreaths, a symbol of triumph, disappear. Later the city council proceeded to dismantle it.

Only its basement preserved and relocated very close to the Metro elevator, free only using this means of transport, it is well worth a visit as well as the careful surroundings of the Calzadas and the monumental neoclassical access to the old cemetery.

(Texts from El Bolintxi)

At first they met in another place, under the famous Tilo del Arenal, now non-existent. The story goes that the liberal citizen militias, the so-called auxiliaries, met there to exchange views on the progress of the war. What contest? You will ask. The Second Carlist War. On May 2, 1874, the siege was lifted, which lasted 125 days, by the liberal troops commanded by Generals Conchay Castillo. 

Almost a year after the lifting of the fence, on March 19, 1875, the El Sitio Society was founded, whose embryo were those meetings under El Tilo del Arenal. They soon began with civic processions in homage to the liberal spirit of Bilbao. 

This procession starts from the Plaza de Unamuno and, going up the Calzadas de Mallona, ​​reaches the Mausoleum of the Auxiliary that exists in Mallona, ​​previously located within the current football field (and old cemetery) and currently relocated outside of said pitch. At his feet you can read a plaque that reads The Hon. Bilbao City Council and the Sociedad El Sitio in recognition of the defenders of the liberal spirit of the Villa: glorious memory of the defenders of the Villa at the sites of 1835-1836 and a symbol for those who defended it in 1874. 

Raised this pantheon in 1870 by popular subscription, barbarism and intolerance devastated it in 1937. From its ruins it is reborn today as a banner and guide for those who love freedom.

(Text by Jon Mujika)

Text: bilbaoarteenlacalle.wordpress.com






What remains today.




The Bilbao city council  unanimously agrees to indicate, for information purposes, the monument to the auxiliaries located in Mallona.




SEE ALL THE INFORMATION:   Heroes of Liberty in Mallona.


Monument to the Heroes of Liberty.




Bilbao 1874. Every May 2, the Bilbao society gathered around this statue to honor the memory of the Auxiliary Battalion.




Last Tuesday, February 11, 2020, at 6 p.m. A tribute to Lázaro Nates, the last surviving Cantabrian from the Mauthausen camp, took place at the "Doctor Velasco" House of Culture in Laredo.

Thanks to all the presents.










       "Republican April in Cantabria"

Taking advantage of the 80th anniversary of this epic, a team, led by Lino Varela, traveled to Russia to record the testimonies of some of those “children of war”. We hope to have the presence of some of those evacuated girls.

Mª Amparo Sánchez-Monroy, AGE delegate in France, who spent a few days in Cantabria giving talks at various Secondary Education Institutes that have asked us to tell her story as an exile to the Baccalaureate students.

At the Itaca Social Center in Torrelavega we have organized the representation of a play, a monologue by the actress Mar Amado, who for one hour will tell us several stories based on real stories of the anti-Franco resistance.

At the Laredo City Hall, he paid a posthumous tribute to Ramiro Santisteban, a Laredoan who survived the horrors of the Mauthausen camp and died in France on February 25. The mayor invites us to participate with family and friends in this well-deserved tribute in front of the monument to the deportees, in front of the City Hall.













Conference on the footprint of Franco's terror in Bizkaia.
The Republican Collective has the custom of celebrating the last republican day of Bilbao on June 18, 1937. Errepublikazaleen Taldeak Bilboko azken egun errepublikanoa (1937-6-18) ospatzearen ohitura dugu. Baina aurten 19an egingo dugu, zeren eta Erik Zubillaga historialariak Frankismoaren terrorearen urratsak Bizkaia azalduko dizkigu. This year we celebrated the celebration on June 19 (the first day of Franco's occupation) since the historian who accompanies us, Erik Zubiaga Arana, spoke to us about 'The footprint of Franco's terror in Bizkaia', that is, about the operation and the impact of the military jurisdiction after the entry of the rebellious troops in the town of Bilbao.

Erik Zubiaga Arana (1983) has a doctorate in History from the University of the Basque Country (2016). 


He is the author of several publications in collective books and magazines such as 'Historia y Política', 'Historia Actual' and 'Uztaro'. And from the book The footprint of Franco's terror in Bizkaia.


Basque Republican Group EHTE - CREH  .


On March 10, the Ordinary Assembly of the UCR in Madrid approved the integration of our Republican Collective as a legal entity federated with UCR.UCR (Unidad Cívica por la República) is an association made up of citizens that recognize in the republic the most democratic form of state for the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula. In addition, the UCR is a promoter and one of the founders of the JER (Republican State Board) in which various left-wing republican political parties and associations are grouped.   

With this act, a further step is taken in the union of the different collectives and forces of a republican nature and thus be able to achieve greater visibility on our way towards a Third Republic with Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, that fights for people and with people. .
















ON 10-17-2013, once again, the CLUB CLARION cyclists from Glasgow (England) arrived in Euskal Herria to honor the international brigades, at the SANTURTZI dock, (BILBAO).

The last visit they made to us was received by the Republican Collective of Euskal Herria, CREH - EHTE



Manuel de Cos Borbolla.   


Photographer and Spanish ecologist born in Rábago (Cantabria) in 1920. Son of Donato de Cos and María Borbolla and brother of the guerrilla Jesús de Cos Borbolla, León de Cos Borbolla and Magdalena de Cos Borbolla link. In his youth he was also a guerrilla liaison. 

Religiously he defines himself as an atheist.

Dedicated from childhood to the work of shepherd, he became a guide in the withdrawal of a column of disoriented Basque soldiers during the Spanish Civil War. When he turns 18 he is called up for military service, but is mistakenly imprisoned and sentenced to death, accused of having desecrated churches. In the Bilbao prison he survives because of the solidarity of the Basque people and thanks to a link he manages to get the news to his family. She manages to contact the priest of Cossío, who finds the images supposedly destroyed by Manuel, hidden in a haystack. 

Once the false accusation was dismantled, he was released and returned to Rábago with a safe-conduct. The next day a group of Falangists appear at Manuel's house, steal his pass and take him into custody to the Magdalena field and then to Miranda de Ebro, Madrid (Miguel de Unamuno Institute in the Delicias neighborhood), Cádiz ( trip in which ten men die) and finally to Tenerife, where he is sentenced for forced labor in the 91st Battalion. 

Once released, he gets a job as a trade representative in the north of the state, which does not exempt his family from fierce surveillance by the Civil Guard, who surrounded the house and detained him every time he came to visit her. . Manuel de Cos becomes a liaison with the Machado Brigade, taking advantage of the safe-conducts that he enjoyed for being commercial.

His work as a liaison consists of transferring weapons, collaborating in various sabotages and later in passing guerrillas to France, among others his own brother, Jesús de Cos, until he is betrayed by an informant and later detained and tortured. 

Since the 1940s, Manuel de Cos approached photography because "it is the most truthful way of documenting everything that was happening around me", but it was later that he began his environmental project to denounce the indiscriminate logging that occurs in the Montes de Cantabria, which manages to attract the attention of the authorities, although they do not take any action to stop it. At present, he continues to denounce the amount of native species that have been lost as a result of this deforestation.

At the same time, the photographer was in charge of documenting, always in a self-managed way, rural life and the ethnography and folklore of Cantabria, with special attention to women, who constantly pay tribute to their suffering during the post-war period. His great project was the elaboration of an ethnographic museum as a result of his discovery of the Chufín Cave and the tourist claim of the El Soplao Cave, which he undertook altruistically and later abandoned due to lack of means and public aid. 

Also during the Transition he was in charge of documenting the process of legalization of political parties. 

Manuel de Cos tells himself that he does not feel like a photographer, that he is "an intruder who only approached photography because of the need to denounce forgotten realities", but he is the author of more than 60,000 images and hundreds of hours video of ecologist, anthropological and anti-Franco themes, most of which are stored in poor conditions in Rábago and Madrid. A small part of its archive is being managed by the National Library of Spain, the Botín Foundation and the Workers' Commissions.

Organizations such as Ecologists in Action have denounced the lack of interest of the authorities in the preservation of the Manuel de Cos archive.

 He died on September 26, 2017.





Your home is the best antidote to oblivion. In the basement of the house that Manuel de Cos (1920) has in the Madrid town of Las Matas, there are hundreds of boxes and envelopes with thousands of photographs and kilometers of film. The nearly 20,000 images that he hoards there reflect different social, political and ecological events that this 'intruder' in photography, as he calls himself, has attended. 

'The camera always goes with me, I just take photos, but I'm not a photographer,' he humbly insists. The snapshots range from the student struggles of the 70s to the demonstrations in recent weeks against the cuts of the PP, through the progressive deforestation of his native Cantabria. The other part of his legacy - about 40,000 photographs and about 600 hours of video - awaits at his home in Rábago (Cantabria), waiting, like the archive he has in Madrid, that some institution will take over the entirety of the collection. Some series of photos and videos have been acquired by the National Library and will soon be exhibited to the public.

And it is that nothing escapes the objective of Manuel de Cos, who decided to use photography to document his struggles and leave testimony of every unjust circumstance that happened around him. For him it is a hobby made necessary since the 1940s, when he began to become that notary of the time that he continues to be today.

"I have portrayed everything that was reason to record," he asserts. Although sometimes, the authorities did not make it easy for them: 'In Reinosa I saw some men loading trucks with machine guns and other war material, I approached and took several photos but the Civil Guard saw me, they took my camera and veiled me. reel'. It was the 90s and Manuel protested alleging that the Government had assured days ago that no weapons were being sold. "And where is all that weaponry going?" He asked the agents, who justified their actions by claiming that Manuel "could be from ETA."

The same fate ran the reel of his' yashica 'while he recorded a logging in the Cantabrian region:' It was terrible for me to see how the mountains of Cantabria were deforested; There I met the grouse and such a quantity of fauna and flora that no one can imagine anymore, only those of my age, 'he laments.

Suffering repression led him to the need to witness the pain graphically

Portraying the ecology, the customs of his land and the different political processes has always been his obsession. But he did not consider professionalizing his occupation because of the 'daily chores'. To earn a living, he worked as a goat herder in Rábago, a waiter in a hostel in Cádiz, a commercial agent for the north of Spain, a worker in the Madrid subsoil and manager of 'La novia del mar', a now defunct bead store.

Suffering Franco's repression on his own skin led him to a state of need to graphically witness the pain. His family was the victim of illegal property seizures, so he ended up living on the street for several days with his mother and sisters. 'They took everything from us,' he recalls. But the worst came with the death sentence. 'On the farm where we worked there was a small hermitage with religious images that my father sent me to collect one day; I put them in a trunk and when the Francoists arrived and did not see them, they accused me of having destroyed them. ' They raised against him the false accusation of desecrating religious statuettes and sentenced him to death. His salvation came with the local priest, who found the figures in time and came to his defense.

 They raised against him the false accusation of desecrating religious statuettes and sentenced him to death

Those episodes marked Manuel's orientation towards the defense of the most vulnerable. One of his jobs, that of a commercial agent along the Cantabrian coast, helped him to cross Republican exiles to France thanks to the freedom of movement granted him by the safe conduct granted after his death sentence was revoked. 

'I passed more than 30 people', he is proud. That was his main work in the Machado brigade, made up of anti-Franco guerrillas who faced the dictatorship from underground. "It was easy for him because he knew every port and road well," he says. Until they arrested him. 'I must have been one of the last arrested for participating in the guerrilla; I think it was the year 47 or 48 ', Manuel hesitates. 'After that I had to check in at the police station in each town I visited; until I stopped being a commercial agent, several years later. '

The testimonies of the time often contradict the official discourse that sanctifies the exemplary years that preceded democracy. By then, Manuel already had a video camera that collected audio. On September 27, 1975, he tried to go to Hoyo de Manzanares to record the sound of the bullets that slanted the lives of the three FRAP militants shot by Franco's authorities in Madrid. "I wanted to pick up the noise of those discharges from outside." But they stopped him before he got there.

The demonstrations that took thousands of young people to the streets in 1977 were also immortalized by Manuel de Cos. His camera registered numerous concentrations, such as one that took place on the esplanade in front of the Ministry of Health and that resulted in several injuries. 'The police began to charge with terrible sticks; my back felt damp and when I touched myself I realized it was blood '; 'They gave to kill', says Manuel, who learned details to save his integrity: 'The most dangerous thing began when they surrounded us with the horses; there it was best to stay still. '

Like a snake that, dying, gives the strongest lashes in the last moments of life, the dictatorship dropped the heavy lead of its machinery against the protesters.

"It was terrible for me to see how the mountains of Cantabria were deforested '

'Seven young people died during the transition; I went to their burning chapels except for that of Mari Luz Nájera because a military man blocked my way, 'he says. In Madrid's Plaza de Lavapiés, Manuel saw a person being shot dead and taken away. "I could never find out who it was, and no one spoke about it," he laments. "I still dream about those episodes as if I were living them," he says with a dull face.

The smile, on the other hand, returns to his face when he remembers the group of university students who were chasing the political police and he hid in his house in Las Matas. 'I am the oldest in the area; When I arrived at the end of the 50s, there was nothing here and in this courtyard they spent several days until they managed to flee to France ', he tells' Público' with satisfaction.

With the 15-M, with the miners, with the green tide of students, with the victims of the Franco regime ... Manuel de Cos continues to attend all the events and concentrations that his ailments allow him, although he recognizes that today the squares have ' another temperature '. Still, he relies on social pressure. 'I am hopeful that the change will come out there, because of the demonstrations; young people are the only ones who can solve it. ' 'And I see it with optimism; I see them very prepared, 'he concludes.



Manuel de Cos, the intruder photographer who portrayed the dictatorship.

He was a reprisal of the Franco regime who dedicated a large part of his life to political and rural photography to denounce the injustices he witnessed

When he died, he left more than 60,000 photographs and hundreds of hours of video that are in the hands of different institutions for their conservation.

           Ana García Valdivia.


Manolo de Cos passed away last September. | EFE / GUILLERMO CARNERO. The story of Manuel de Cos and his family is a reflection of the high cost of ideals when there is a war. Like so many other families, they were dispossessed of all their property after the military occupation of Cantabria in 1937. His father, former mayor of the Popular Front in Rionansa, was captured in France and transferred to the Mauthausen concentration camp (Austria), where he died in 1941 .

During the war, when he turned 18, Manuel was accused of having destroyed images of the chapel of his town and transferred to the Bilbao prison, sentenced to death. Thanks to the message of a link, Manuel's mother was alerted and, after contacting the priest of the church, he testified that the images were safely in a haystack.

In 1939 he was released, however, that same year he was again arrested. He was imprisoned in the 91st disciplinary battalion of worker soldiers, passing through different prisons and work camps in Spain. It was then that photography knocked on his door. A neighbor from the town of Vilaflor (Tenerife) gave him his first camera: "It was very simple, it only had sun and shade," he recalled in 'Conversations with History: Manuel De Cos'.

In this documentary by Tmex (a television of social denunciation), he explained that his first photos portrayed the groups of workers, with the intention of being able to send them later to their families. This was possible thanks to the collaboration of a sergeant, who allowed him to take them when his superiors were absent.

First photos in the labor camp of Tenerife in the years 1941 and 1942. | MANUEL DE COS.

Since then, Manuel and his camera were inseparable: "The camera always goes with me, I just take photos, but I'm not a photographer." He himself called himself an "intruder of photography" and devoted his life to this activity, although never in a professional way. "I understood that it was necessary to witness what I saw around me. And I think I was not wrong."

After his final release in 1943, Manuel moved to the north of Spain and began working as a trade representative. Between 1946 and 1947 he operated as a liaison for the Machado Brigade during the guerrillas.

Using his commercial passes, he passed some 30 maquis to France, including his brother Jesús, known as Commander Pablo. In 1948 suspicions arose and Manuel was arrested: "After that I had to sign in at the police station of each town I set foot in," he told Público in an interview.

Woman working in a town in Cantabria. | MANUEL DE COS.


This rudimentary control was not an obstacle for Manuel to begin to develop his second job.

From that moment on, rural life and politics became the two themes that will predominate in his photography.

Rural photography took place first. The cattle fairs, the music of the festivals or the women in the laundry are insignificant moments in history, but for Manuel they contained the essence of his town.
Thanks to this insistence on simplicity, there is now an invaluable heritage on life in Cantabria.

Most of his photos were aimed at capturing the folklore of his land and the ethnographic and anthropological values ​​of this through everyday life.

Likewise, it is essential to point out the role that his photography had in the 70s in denouncing the indiscriminate felling of trees in the mountains of Cantabria, as well as the consequent loss of native species in the community.

Ecologistas en Acción paid tribute to him in 2012.

Photograph taken at a PCE demonstration in 1977. | MANUEL DE COS.

Manuel professed special admiration for women, whom he praised for their courage in the face of the suffering posed by postwar poverty and repression for many.

In his photos he showed them working or doing their daily chores on the mountain.

With the same affection, he photographed and recorded the miners on different occasions.

Thanks to one of them he learned as a boy the meaning of the acronym UHP, 'Uníos Hermanos Proletarios', a motto that marked him all his life and which he claimed in each demonstration he attended.

Photograph of complaint for the deforestation of the forests of Cantabria in 1971. | MANUEL DE COS.


In Cantabria, Manuel is also recognized as the discoverer of the Chufín caves, -declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site for their prehistoric paintings from 16,000 BC.

It was he who informed the director of the National Archaeological Museum of its existence in 1972, after entering and appreciating the presence of parietal art on its walls.

In addition to customs, politics was the other great theme that haunted Manuel. He dedicated himself to this especially at the end of the dictatorship and the beginning of the Transition.

His photographs collect the legalization process of political parties and unions, as well as the meetings of the great figures of the moment (La Pasionaria, Julio Anguita and different personalities of the Communist Party).

Those years he was present in the demonstrations that took thousands of young people to the streets, photographing demonstrations and charges.

Photograph taken at a PCE rally at the Vallecas soccer stadium in 1977. | MANUEL DE COS.

Manuel was always critical of that moment in our history: "Terrible. They say that the Transition was exemplary, quite the opposite. There were 200 deaths.

I met Yolanda González (a communist student leader kidnapped and murdered during the transition by Falangists).

It was one more impulse to record everything that there was, "he said in the Tmex documentary.

Another of his struggles was to recover historical memory. Through interviews with Franco's exiles and guerrillas who fought in the mountains, Manuel looked for the recognition of the victims.

He recorded various commemorations and events for the Madrid Unesco Friends Club (CAUM), a very active organization with the historical memory of which he was a member and founder.

In 1980, a package bomb with 100 grams of explosives arrived at the CAUM headquarters, located in Plaza Tirso de Molina (Madrid).

Manuel was unharmed, but his companions Luis Enrique Esteban and María Dolores Martínez were injured.

The culprit was never found, although a fascist organization was suspected that had already threatened its members.

Thus, the years passed and Manuel's camera was witnessing hundreds of demonstrations and social movements, until 15M.

He walked with the marches in defense of health and education, participated in the Sol camping trips and also wanted to be a witness to the process of creating Podemos: "I am hopeful that change will come out there, for young people and women. demonstrations.

I see it with optimism, I see them very prepared, "he stressed then.

Manuel de Cos photographs the demonstration for the Third Republic in Madrid in 2010.

Manuel used to say that whoever is silent grants and that he was not going to remain silent. 

He found his way of speaking in photography.

However, the more than 60,000 photographs and 600 hours of video have been stored for a long time in poor conditions between his home in Las Matas (Madrid) and Rábago (Cantabria), at risk of being forgotten.

Manuel tried to get public and private institutions to take charge of his collections so that they could be preserved and exposed to the public.

Today, most of them are still in these two autonomous communities, but in the hands of very diverse organizations.

The rural photographs are in Cantabria. The Botín Foundation bought 9,296 negatives from the Nansa Valley in 2010, a very well preserved area that is now beginning to show interest in "nature tourism".

The Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports made two large purchases, the last for 1,300 slides and around 1,000 videotapes.

According to the director of the Ethnographic Museum of Cantabria, Amparo López, this is the most appropriate place to store the material due to the theme it addresses, which underlines its testimonial value of ways of life, culture and trades: 

"It is probably the most abundant photographic archive of Cantabria in recent years".

Now it is important, but with time it will be more. " 

The rest of the material that remained in Rábago has recently been donated to the Herrerías Town Hall by relatives.

Political photographs are also scattered. Workers' Commissions acquired videos and photos, but it is in the National Library where a large part of the archive is kept.

Alicia García, head of the Audiovisual Service, explains that there were two donations in 2007 and 2017 for a total of 100 videotapes, many from demonstrations from the 80s and 90s. 

The tapes are of low quality and for this reason, he indicates, they must be digitized and treated to guarantee their conservation.

Isabel Ortega, head of the Drawings and Engravings Service of this organization, says that in addition to the above, there were two purchases since 2007 and a donation of 20,000 photos, mostly from the Transition.

"Manuel did not have a great photographic technique, but no one can cough him because of that," he says, recalling that "he was a very appreciated man at the National Library."

His grandson and also a photographer, Daniel de Cos, talks about Manuel's technique: 

"He liked that the moment of taking the photo, the development process and the final marking, were as handmade as possible. 

He did not accept that digital and machinery replaced the work of human hands.

He did everything himself. ”However, this did not prevent Manuel from adapting to the times, and in his later years he used a Fujifilm 3D, one of the first 3D cameras in the world.

"Scientific and technological progress I approve, but if it is not at the service of human beings, I reject it", opinion in an interview at the IES Miguel Herrero de Torrelavega.

Through his work, it is possible to understand the role that photography plays in denouncing the socio-political reality that surrounds us, showing that 

"photography is the faithful witness of the truth".


Manuel died on September 26, and his work constitutes one of the most descriptive documents of the aftermath of the Franco regime, the Transition and Cantabrian rural life.

His photographs are one of the many stories in our history and the legacy he left needs to be exposed to the general public.

eldiario.es 28/01/2018 - 21: 08h    



Manuel de Cos's photographs take center stage through an exhibition.

It is a tribute organized by Ecologists in Action-Cantabria, Cantárida Magazine and the Mountain Group Peña Cuadrada de Igollo de Camargo, open to the public and attended by high school students from institutes in the area

23.11.12 - 17:46 

Lucia Alcolea |  Cabezón de la Sal.

Manuel de Cos, during the presentation of the exhibition. / Photo: Javier Rosendo.


'Confessed ecologist, incorruptible, vegetarian, communist and honest', this is how the photographer Manuel de Cos was described at the opening of the exhibition that includes fifty of his most representative images at the Cabezón de la Sal Rural Studies Center.

A tribute organized by Ecologists in Action-Cantabria, Cantárida Magazine and the Mountain Group Peña Cuadrada de Igollo de Camargo, open to the public and attended by high school students from Cabezón de la Sal institutes.

An act that revealed the relevance of the work of this artist, a native of Herrerías, "a guerrilla from the valley and support of the anti-Franco maquis in the 1940s and 1950s, sentenced to death at age 18". 

The photographer intervened at the event and took stock of the postwar years and recalled his past, which today continues to be present through the images he has taken throughout his life. The exhibition is an approach to his work, carried out over almost 70 years, where two thematic blocks are included.

One, dedicated to nature and environment issues; and another, to contents of rural ethnography on settings, customs, characters and landscapes related to agricultural and livestock activities in the Saja and Nansa valleys in the second half of the 20th century.

An exhibition that, in the near future, will be expanded with another series of photographic testimonies of social and political mobilizations around the same dates in different parts of Cantabria and Spain.

In this tribute the artist's archive was valued, "of incalculable value, which documents the repression and different aspects of society since the 1940s." 

Manuel acknowledges that he has no journalistic training nor is he an image professional, but the truth, those who know him say, is that “his obsession with documenting everything that goes against freedom, human equality or ecology, make him an exceptional character who has dedicated his life to fighting from image and word ”.

In fact, the author himself says of himself that he does not feel like a photographer, "that he is an intruder who only approached photography because of the need to denounce forgotten realities." 

The exhibition is the memory of a man who “began to take photographs in the 1940s, with a Kodak drawer machine that had been given to him until he had obtained almost 50,000 negatives and 600 hours of video that essentially condense the photographic and videographic chronicle of places, characters, sets, settings, landscapes ... ”, they explained. 

The photographer has also been the protagonist of the World Day for Audiovisual Heritage sponsored by UNESCO at the event held in Madrid on October 29 where Marina Fernández gave an unpublished presentation on the audiovisual material donated by Manuel de Cos to the National Library.

This exhibition is also the prelude to the tribute to Manuel de Cos that will take place on Saturday, November 24 with a reception at 12:30 pm at the Herrerías Town Hall (Cades) to continue, later, with a meeting of traditional musicians in Camijanes at 1:30 p.m., and finally conclude with a meal in Celis at 3:00 p.m., in which representatives of different groups will intervene to set up a Support and Monitoring Committee on the work of Manuel de Cos with the aim of to achieve the institutional commitments or those of private entities and foundations to guarantee the cataloging, conservation, research and dissemination of the 35,000 negatives and the 600 hours of video that Manuel de Cos has collected throughout his life.



PCE. The historical communist militant Manuel de Cos dies at the age of 97.   

The historical communist militant Manuel de Cos Borbolla, a reference in the anti-Franco struggle in Cantabria, died on September 26, 2017, at the age of 97, as reported by the PCE in a statement.



Two Air Pyrene aviators are  .

The hero and the villain.

Air Piyreneés.

It should be noted that an aviator of the mettle that Yanguas has shown has not reacted on a trip of more than 750 km. in France and lasting more than 12 hours.

He argues saying that he supposed, because they promised him, that the delivery of the jewels would save the lives of the other prisoners who, as it is known, are still in prison, Mr. Espinosa and Mr. Aguirre being shot on June 26.

He estimates that in some confrontations with those prisoners with their freedom by exchange, it will be possible to clarify the doubts about their forced landing, and perhaps it would be very convenient, and of course easier, to intensify the efforts to achieve the freedom of the French passenger. 

We can celebrate the interview with the mechanic whenever we please, always taking into account the statements that he has made in Valencia, due to their importance. Our impression is that Blanc is oblivious to these matters.

The attention to the landing in Zarauz was quite important, serving them a good dinner and taking them away in good and individual rooms.

Some information not yet confirmed, assure that the one who opened the door of the plane in Zarauz was Commander Troncoso, and that this was one of the companions in the car that went to Toulouse and passed through Bayonne, a little before dark, back to Irún. 

The whereabouts of the two jewelry boxes are unknown. 

Yanguas knew that one of them contained those of the Begoña Basilica and it is also said that Commander Aguirre was offered to spare his life if he signed a statement stating that the landing was due to damage, but this information is not confirmed.

The presence of Goyoaga in this matter is very worthy of being taken into account, since his habitual residence is not Zarauz. 

These are the two reports.

One is from Yanguas himself and Pedro Albisu. 

The other could be from Albisu. You judge; The cost of the device when it was purchased was £ 1,550.-, plus 6,000 pesetas of Customs duties.


Toulouse, 31-7-1937.

Mr. José Oruezabala Bayona.

Very Mr. Mine:

With this letter I have the purpose of informing you of certain details about the Yanguas affair, which in my opinion, are more than anything suspicious.

It turns out that this boy, weighing on him the serious accusations that you know, is so calm and always wanting to joke. 

In my opinion, it is impossible that a person, no matter how calm, could be joking in the way that he does, if he really found himself as he says, badly considered on the fascist side and ours.

Another detail that I didn't like at all is the following: 

Last Wednesday, the 28th, we separated and he told us that he was going to have lunch at his house, as TOMÁS is a neighbor of theirs, when he got home he met Yanguas's father, who told him that his son was not going to have lunch with them, as he did it outside.

When we met again (since we only left him during meal time, in case we see something in him), we asked him if he had had lunch at his house, which he categorically affirmed that he had.

In my opinion, he had no reason to deceive us in that way if he had not had lunch with someone that he did not want us to know. Later that same day, we were going together, when suddenly I saw the Ex-Marqués de la Granja, a fascist employed in the Villa Nacho-Enea, who looked us from head to toe, and in my opinion he went more to Yanguas than to me, and when I asked Yanguas if he knew that man, he answered that he did not; but I noticed that at the same time he was getting very red. 

So it may very well be with that man with whom he had lunch (although I cannot justify this).

This boy, if he really gave himself up, here in Toulouse can do us a lot of harm, because we are afraid that he is spying on us, and since we cannot dispatch him from here, it would be very convenient if he could be made to go somewhere else, Well, for example, you could give the departure time of the plane, although once the plane leaves for an hour and a half we will not let you take a single step, in order to avoid giving the exit signal to anyone by phone as much as possible.

At the same time, it would be very convenient for us to tell us if we should continue treating and monitoring him or it would be advisable to immediately break the deal with him, because it would be very bad for us to be told today or tomorrow that we have been in relationship with a traitor.

Without more REPORT FROM THE SISTER OF YANGUAS Miss Francisca Yanguas, sister of the aviator, went to this Bayonne Delegation on July 25, 1937, accompanied by the mechanic Tomás Amuategui, and stated that on June 22, At ten in the morning, she appeared at the Gambetta Hotel, where she was staying with her parents, Joaquín Goyoaga, to greet them and invite her to eat.

He accepted this and they both went to the Grand Hotel, in Toulouse, where Goyoaga then informed him of what had happened the day before to his brother, who landed in Zarautz, and that, having spoken with him, he told him to ask for some keys that should be in the power of the mechanic Amuategui, and therefore it was necessary to find said mechanic, since the life of the aviator Yanguas and all the passengers who descended in Zarauz depended on the delivery of those keys. 

In view of these demonstrations, Miss Francisca Yanguas left the Grand Hotel and went to the Hotel des Arcades, in search of Amuategui, and with him she went to her sister-in-law's house, where they asked for the little wooden box whose contents they did not know, and it was immediately delivered to them. .

Once the box was in the possession of Miss Yanguas, she took it to Goyoaga to the Grand Hotel, where in a room she ate with Goyoaga and another man who she does not know who he is, ignoring that her brother was locked up in a room during that time. bathroom of one of the rooms of the same Grand Hotel, having therefore not interviewed him.

The keys were two.

After eating, he returned to the Gambetta Hotel. Miss Yanguas did not know until today, June 25, that her brother was in Toulouse on June 22, and last night she learned that he was already in Toulouse.

And for the record, he signs his declaration, in Bayonne in the presence of the mechanic Amuategui and the Delegate Mr. Oruezabal, in Bayonne on July 25, 1937.

Francisca Yanguas - Tomás Amuategui - J. Oruezabala.

The aviation mechanic Mr. Tomás Amuategui appeared this morning at the Bayonne Delegation, accompanied by Ms. Francisca Yanguas, aviator Yanguas's sister, and states that they never gave him the keys to Yanguas, telling him at least that they were they gave them.

He remembers that the aviator Yanguas gave him a small wooden box containing, according to the noise it made, silver, hard coins, telling him to keep them in the house where Amuategui's sister-in-law and relatives live, but without being told that contained keys.

She kept this box at her sister-in-law's house for two or three weeks, as she does not remember the exact date when Yanguas gave it to her to keep it.

On June 22, at ten or ten thirty, when leaving the Hotel des Arcades, in Toulouse, he met Miss Francisca Yanguas, who went to look for him, who asked him if he had anything from his brother Pepe, first answering him no, then recalling that he had at his sister-in-law's house the previously mentioned wooden box, which Miss Yanguas asked for, and in view of this, they both went to pick it up at the house of Amuategui's sister-in-law, receiving it from this one and giving him at that moment to the sister of Yanguas. 

The mechanic Amuategui also says that when the two jewelery boxes were deposited at the Courtoise Bank in Toulouse, there were him, Blanc and Yanguas. 

He knew that there were jewels in the small box, and he saw the written names of several ladies, but in the large one he did not know the contents. Amuategui did not know when Yanguas's sister came to ask him for the wooden box, that Yanguas had landed in Zarauz, and therefore, he could not even remotely suspect that on June 22 Yanguas could be in Toulouse.

He found out about the accident that day at night. And for the record, you sign your statement in Bayona, in the presence of Ms. Francisca Yanguas and the Delegate Mr. Oruezabala. Bayona, July 25, 1937.

Tomás Amuategui - Francisca Yanguas - J. Oruezabala.




The Euskal Herria Republican Collective (CREH) is a non-profit, non-partisan and ideologically plural association in accordance with the principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. 

The CREH is part of the republican movement and tries to spread republican values ​​and ideas through the implementation of various activities in order to promote from the Basque sphere the change towards a republican, federal, solidary state that recognizes the right of self-determination. .

We propose a republican rupture that fosters a democratic constituent process and leads to the Third Republic. Consequently, we do not abide by the transition to the illegitimate monarchy imposed by the dictator, nor the Constitution of 1978, so we will propose the convening of a referendum to resolve these issues.

Right of self-determination, as Basque citizens we advocate for consultation in a referendum to choose the relationship we want with the Spanish state.

Recovery of historical memory. We claim, as an inalienable collective patrimony, the struggle and sacrifice of all those killed, persecuted and affected by the Franco dictatorship.

Democratic recovery. We propose participatory models of citizenship in debate and decision-making as the central axis of a true democratic conception. Repeal of the Law on Parties, Immigration, Penitentiary; Reform of the Penal Code, real separation of powers, etc.

Defense of the Republic, based on the promotion of republican values ​​and human rights against the prevailing neoliberal model. Specifically the defense of the public in basic aspects such as education and health. The separation of the state of each and every one of the different religious confessions and secularism must be clearly reflected in a future Constitutional text.

Freedom of expression. At times like the present, an express defense of freedom of expression concealed in the name of democracy and manipulated until it becomes an unrecognizable right is necessary.



C.R.E.H. - E.H.T.E.


Guided tour of the exhibition "Navarra 1936".

USLA - Ateneu Santfeliuenc, 14/02/2016.

Navarra 1936 Exhibition by José Ramón Urtasun that has raised so many blisters in the ranks of Navarra on the right, when it is reflected.


Click on the photo to see it larger.